A Victory for a Colorblind Culture
Looking for a congressional district exemplifying the Democrat strategy to include black voters and exclude white ones? Ohio’s 11th would be a good candidate.
Its borders stretch from Akron to Cleveland. Its representative, Democrat Shontell Brown, says on her website that she is “a proud member of the Congressional Black Caucus, and in office she has authored bills to close the racial health gap, strengthen anti-discrimination laws, and expand opportunity for Black Americans.”
Translation: she’s in Congress to perpetuate the Left’s favored government programs.
Since LBJ’s War on Poverty in 1964, at least in my view, federal aid has ensnared black Americans in a web of dependency, in some quarters known as socialism. Generation after generation has abandoned the dream of achieving success on their own terms, on American terms, and instead substituted dependency for ambition.
In a 6-3 decision yesterday, the Supreme Court did not overturn the Voting Rights Act, but restored its essence. “Allowing race to play any part in government decision-making represents a departure from the constitutional rule that applies in almost every other context,” Justice Samuel Alito wrote in the majority opinion.
In other words, the racism that was rampant in the Deep South for much of the 20th Century is no longer a deterrent to fair representation. There are black congressman — like Florida’s Byron Donalds — who represent majority white districts, in his case 70% white. He has won there since 2021. And white members — like Steve Cohen of Memphis — representing his 60% black district since 2007. The only institution that seems blind to this new reality is the Congressional Black Caucus, which bans both black Republicans and whites who represent black constituencies from its ranks.
This is not to say that we as a culture have banished racism altogether. No doubt racists will always be with us. But it is to say that white voters — who twice elected Barack Obama as president — no longer use race to judge a candidate’s character.
“Today’s decision should largely put an end to this ‘disastrous misadventure’ in voting-rights jurisprudence,” wrote Justice Clarence Thomas, who has been advocating change for a long time. “"I would go further and hold that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act does not regulate districting at all."
His argument: Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act bans using race to judge voting qualifications, or impose poll taxes that deny or abridge the right to vote based on race. Drawing congressional maps? Not on the list.
Of the three liberal judges who dissented, Justice Elena Kagan seemed to best understand the import of the decision. Calling Section 2 “a dead letter,” she predicted, “The consequences are likely to be far-reaching and grave."
Republicans were joyful at the prediction, but I would urge caution.
First, Democrats are skilled at lawfare, and I can only imagine how many lawsuits are even now being prepared. And second, the clock is already ticking toward the midterm elections. Will Louisiana, which brought the lawsuit that reached the Supreme Court, even have time to adjust its map?
With the primary scheduled for May 16, Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry plans to delay the election to give state lawmakers time to redraw congressional maps, including that held by Rep. Cleo Fields, whose 6th district was at the center of the court challenge.
Restoring the voting rights of black Americans who were once denied the ballot was a noble undertaking. But creating black-majority district that run like spaghetti lines through swaths of communities for political ends was a pure power grab.
Political gerrymandering has been with us for a long time. When he was governor of Massachusetts, Elbridge Gerry signed a bill in 1812 giving his Democratic-Republican Party favorable districts. A local Federal newspaper, the Boston Gazette, published a political cartoon depicting one of the state senate districts in Essex County as a salamander, labeling it a ‘Gerry-mander.’ The name stuck.
Gerry was instrumental in founding this country — signing the Declaration of Independence and, after the constitution was adopted, urging his state not to ratify it unless a Bill of Rights was added — a skilled orator for the anti-federalists who thought the constitution gave too much power to the central government.
On that topic, you can read more in my new book, Trump’s Superpower: A Historical Novel about the Founding Fathers and One Founding Mother.
And for subscribers to Make Orwell Fiction Again who live in south Florida, or plan to visit, you are welcome to join the next book party for the book at my home in Delray Beach. Just email me at johanna.neuman@me.com and I’ll send you an invite.